Category Archives: Portfolio

New Bill Risks Transforming Egypt’s Media into Mouthpiece of the Regime

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This post originally appeared on PEN.org on July 14, 2015.

A proposed anti-terrorism bill in Egypt threatens to criminalize the publication of any news that contradicts the government’s official narrative regarding “terrorist operations” in the embattled North African country. Article 33 of the draft law, reportedly approved on July 1 by the Egyptian cabinet in the absence of a parliament and awaiting final passage by the president, prescribes jail terms of up to two years for journalists whose coverage disputes or contradicts official government reports on matters of terrorism, which the bill defines loosely. If passed, the law will effectively bar both local and foreign journalists in Egypt from producing balanced and thorough reporting, limiting them to only one source: the repressive government of President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi.

Egyptians have been riding a political roller coaster since the Tahrir Square protests of 2011 that led to the ouster of President Hosni Mubarak after nearly 30 years in power. Muslim Brotherhood candidate Mohamed Morsi then served just over a year in the presidency before a July 2013 coup d’etat that reinstated a military government with Sisi at its helm. During these transitions, restrictions on press freedoms have been alternately loosened and tightened, resulting in a situation today where more journalists than ever before are jailed in Egypt, according to theCommittee to Protect Journalists. Reporters targeted by the regime—like the three Al-Jazeera journalists detained for over a year, among many others—are often accused of being agents of the Brotherhood, a party that has again been outlawed under Sisi.

Terrorist attacks reportedly carried out by ISIS and other jihadi militant groups have also been on the rise in Egypt since Morsi was removed from office. On July 1, 2015—the same day the new anti-terrorism bill was approved by the cabinet—attacks in Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula sparked heavy fighting between Islamic State-affiliated militants and Egyptian soldiers. Government sources reported less than 20 military casualties; local and foreign media, including Al Jazeera, reported upwards of 50. The attack came just days after a car bomb in Cairo killed the country’s top prosecutor, Hisham Barakat. An attack on the Italian consulate early Saturday morning that left one dead and nine injured has bolstered supporters of the new bill, who have insisted it is a necessity to “protect national security.”

The draft law was returned for further review last week after an outcry by the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate over Article 33, which creates the restriction on non-official narratives. (The new Egyptian Constitution stipulates that a poll will be held in the Syndicate during the drafting of any legislations related to journalism, but the provision had not been heeded in the cabinet’s hasty approval of the anti-terrorism bill.) While Article 33 is among the most egregious provisions of the new draft law, the bill also lists more than 25 additional crimes, including “promoting terrorism” on social media, that have not been adequately examined or debated. While the government has said it will reconsider Article 33, it insists that the law in its entirety would exist only to “defend citizens from wrong information” and not to limit media freedoms.

But in a country where just four years ago the media helped usher in a short-lived era of reform, Article 33 risks transforming Egypt’s local and foreign media into regime mouthpieces, or forcing them to cease operations entirely. The proposed anti-terrorism law threatens to fundamentally alter the recording and telling of Egyptian history, erasing the multiple perspectives that have enriched one of the world’s most storied civilizations.

Empiricism
 and 
Attitudes


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My 
Experience
 as 
an 
Intern
 with
 Iraq
 Veterans
 Against
 the
 War


This article originally appeared in the 2010 NYU Hagop Kevorkian Center Review.

When
 I
 walked
 in
 for
 my
 first
 day
 as
 an
 intern
 with
 Iraq
 Veterans
 Against
 the
 War,
 I
 had
 little
 idea
 of
 what
 to
 expect.
 
 With
 a
 background
 in
 communications,
 I
 had
 come
 to
 the
 [NYU] Kevorkian
 Center
 in
 hopes
 of
 someday
 helping
 to
 educate
 the
 American
 public
 and
 affect
 U.S.
 foreign
 policy
 change
 in
 the
 Middle
 East
 through
 the
 development
 of
 public
 outreach
 curricula
 and
 PR
 campaigns
 for
 use
 by
 non‐profits
 and
 NGOs.
 A
 marketing
 internship
 within
 the
 American
 movement
 for
 peace
 in
 the
 Middle
 East
 seemed
 like
 a
 good
 place
 to
 start,
but
 veterans
 seemed
 far
 removed 
from
 the 
equation.

I 
was
 pleased
 to
 find 
that, 
despite 
the 
crude 
humor
 and
 military 
mannerisms, 
IVAW 
occupies
 a
 respected
 niche
 in
 the
 movement.
 The
 national
 organization
 of
 post‐9/11
 veterans
 and
 active‐duty
 service
 members
 opposes
 the
 U.S.
 wars
 in
 and
 occupations
 of
 Iraq
 and
 Afghanistan,
 straddling
 a
 wide 
variety
 of 
goals 
and 
issues:

• Immediate
 withdrawal
 of 
all 
occupying
 forces
 in 
Iraq 
and
 Afghanistan
• Reparations
 for
 the
 human
 and
 structural
 damages
 suffered
 by
 Iraq
 and Afghanistan,
so 
that
 their
 peoples 
may
 regain
 the 
right
 to
 self-determination
• Full
 benefits,
 adequate
 physical
 and
 mental
 healthcare,
 and
 other
 supports
 for
 returning
 servicemen
 and
 women

As
 a
 veterans’
 organization,
 IVAW
 offers
 a
 unique
 credibility
 and
 the
 potential
 to
 reach
 an
 audience
 wider
 than
 the
 traditional
 peace‐loving
 left.
 IVAW
 co‐founder
 Tim
 Goodrich
 explained,
“When
 the
 average
American
 hears
 a
 veteran—somebody
 who
 has
 seen
 combat
 and
 knows
what
 it
 means—people
 listen,
 more
 than
 they
 do 
to
 anyone
 else,
 because
this
 is
 somebody
 who
 has
 been
 on
 the
 ground,
 knows
 what
 the
 realities
 are,
 knows
 what
 these
 things
 mean.”
 My
 job
 is
 to
 help
 veterans
 harness
 their
 potential
 through
 media:
 I
 develop
 educational
 materials
 and
 fact
 sheets
 that
 teach
 communication
 skills
 like
 talking
 to
 reporters,
 writing
 op‐eds,
 and
 drafting
 press
 releases.
 This
 approach
 allows
 veterans
 to
 effectively
 share
 their
 stories 
in 
their
 own,
unfiltered
 voice.
The
 position
 also
 encompasses
 internal
 communications,
 sharing
 news
 from
 the
 national
 office
 through
 audio
 podcasts,
 posters and
 fliers,
 and
 social
networking 
websites 
like 
Twitter
 and
 Facebook.

The
 value
 of
 the
 IVAW
 internship
 program
 lies
 in
 its
 reciprocity.
 As
 a
 low‐budget
 non‐ profit,
 IVAW
 relies
 on
 volunteers
 to
 perform
 roles
 like
 communications.
 My
 education,
 experience,
and
 insight
 into
 the 
field
 helps 
to 
satisfy
 a 
crucial
 need
 for
 the 
organization.
 As
 a
 graduate
 student
 of
 Near
 Eastern
 Studies,
 I
 seek
 new
 perspectives
 from
 which
 to
 study
 the
 region.
 IVAW
 offers
 an
 angle
 I
 might
 never
 have
 considered
 in
 an
 academic
 setting:
 unabashedly
 American,
 but
 ready
 to
 admit
 its
 backwardness.
 IVAW’s
 attempt
 to
 both
 understand
 and
 undermine
 the
 institutionalized
 American
 stereotypes
 of
 Arabs,
 Muslims,
 and
 the
 Middle
 East
 may
 not
 qualify
 as
 academic,
 but
 is
 essential
 to
 changing
 American
 attitudes,
 curbing
 violent
 U.S.
 intervention
 in
 the
 region,
 and
 building
 constructive
 relationships
 with
 Middle
 Eastern
 states
 and
 peoples.
 
 This
 empirical
 understanding
 may
 prove 
just
 as 
important
 as 
anything 
available 
in 
the 
classroom.

This
 Veterans
 Day, Think Beyond the Parade

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The below op-ed appeared on 11/11/2010
 on 
The 
Hill
 congressional
 blog.



By Sarah Edkins

Honor
 the
 warrior,
 not 
the
 war.

That’s
 Iraq
 Veterans
 Against
 the
 War’s
 message
 this
 Veterans
 Day,
 as
 thousands
 of
 our
 country’s
 service
 men
 and
 women 
suffer in 
silence 
in 
hospital 
beds,
 homeless
 shelters, 
and
 even 
combat
 zones 
from 
the
 debilitating
 effects
 of
 Post‐Traumatic
 Stress
 Disorder
 (PTSD),
 Traumatic
 Brain
 Injury
 (TBI),
 and
 Military
 Sexual
 Trauma
 (MST).
 Today,
 as
 many
 as 
fifty 
percent
 of 
our 
nation’s
service 
members 
who 
have 
served
 deployments 
to 
Iraq
 or
 Afghanistan
 experience
 PTSD,
 and
 twelve‐to‐seventeen
 percent
 are
 using
 some
 kind
 of
 psychiatric
 drug
 in
 combat
 zones.
 Despite
 repeated
 statements
 by
 government
 officials
 regarding
 their
 concern
 for
 these
 silent
 illnesses,
hoards 
of 
traumatized
 troops
 are
 deployed
 or
 denied
 appropriate
 medical
 care 
every 
day.

U.S.
 Army
 Specialist
 Jeff
 Hanks
 is
 a
 perfect
 example.
 After
 serving
 two
 tours
 of
 duty—one
 in
 Iraq
 and
 one
 in
 Afghanistan—Hanks
 returned 
home
 to 
Kentucky 
on
 leave
 in 
September 
and 
found
 his
 life 
turned
 upside
 down.
 He 
experienced
 extreme
 discomfort
 in 
large
 crowds,
 panic 
attacks,
detachment
 from 
his 
family,
 and
 difficulty
 controlling 
his
anger.
 Hanks 
sought
 medical
 help 
on 
two
military
 bases
 and
 was 
scheduled
 for
 a 
TBI
 screening
 when
 his
 commanding
 officers
 sent
 down
 the
 order
 for
 deployment;
 they
 had
 called
 the
 Fort
 Campbell
 medical
 center 
and
 requested 
immediate
clearance for Jeff.
 He 
had
 no
 other 
choice 
but 
to 
leave
 the 
base
 and
 has 
been AWOL 
since
 October
 7.

Today,
 with
 the
 help
 of
 IVAW,
 GI
 rights
 counselors,
 civilian
 doctors,
 and
 a
 cohort
 of
 civilian
 supporters,
 Jeff
 Hanks
 will
 turn
 himself
 in
 to
 the
 authorities
 at
 Fort
 Campbell,
 where
 he
 faces
 potential
 legal
 repercussions.
 Before
 his
 official
 return
 to
 the
 base,
 Hanks
 will
 give
 a
 press
 conference
 outside
 Fort
 Campbell
 as
 part
 of
 IVAW’s 
Operation 
Recovery
 campaign
 to
 speak 
out
about 
the
 U.S. 
Military’s
 abuses 
of
 the
 right
 to 
heal.
 “Now
 they
 just
 want
 to
 get
 rid
 of
 me,”
 Hanks
 told
 IVAW
 in
 a
 phone
 call
 this
 week.
 “But
 I’m
 not
 going
 anywhere.
 I
 may 
not 
be 
in
 uniform,
 but
 I’m
not
 going 
to 
shut 
up. 
At 
this 
point, 
I
 want 
to 
help 
other 
soldiers 
like 
me.”

So 
this 
Veterans 
Day, 
while 
you
 watch 
city‐wide
 parades
 of 
soldiers, 
marines, 
sailors, 
airmen,
 and
nurses, 
think
 of
 those 
like 
Jeff 
Hanks 
who
 have 
served
 our
 country
 faithfully 
and
 now
 need
 the 
help
and 
supports
 they
 were
 promised.
 I,
 for
 one,
 cannot
 think
 of
 any
 better
 way
 to
 honor
 our
 nation’s
 service
 men
 and
 women
 than
 returning 
their 
right 
to 
heal.

Film Review: ‘You Don’t Like the Truth: 4 Days Inside Guantanamo’

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This post first appeared on IVAW.org in September, 2009.

You Don’t Like the Truth, a new documentary by Canadian filmmakers Luc Côté and Patricio Henriquez, tells the story of Omar Khadr, the 15-year-old Arab-Canadian detained at Guantanamo Bay since 2002. The film will be screened at New York City’s Film Forum on 209 W. Houston St. for a one-week engagement from Sept. 28 – Oct. 4 at 1, 3, 6:10, 8:10, and 10:10pm daily.

Côté and Henriquez’s film builds on surveillance footage of Khadr’s interrogation by Canadian intelligence in 2003, recently declassified by Canadian officials after the supreme court there ruled that the interrogation violated Khadr’s constitutional rights as a citizen under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The footage is contextualized by interviews with reporters, lawyers, activists, and officials familiar with the case, as well as infamous U.S. Army prison guard Damien “the Monster” Corsetti and Khadr’s cellmates, including Moazzam Begg and Omar Deghayes (both of whom have appeared alongside IVAW member Christopher Arendt in panels and films about Gitmo). The directors make odd use of space and time in framing these interviews, using picture-in-picture techniques and graphic displays of the video controls and calibration to suggest that each subject is watching the surveillance footage and commenting in real-time about Omar’s long and murky battle with the U.S. Military.

Omar Khadr is a first-generation Canadian of Egyptian and Palestinian descent. His father, Ahmed Khadr, traveled to Afghanistan as an aid worker during the Soviet Invasion of the 1980s, where he may have made contacts with major players in what would later become Al-Qaeda. The Khadr family traveled regularly between Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Canada throughout the years to follow. In 2002, 15-year-old Omar was inside a compound believed to house Al-Qaeda or other militants. An extensive firefight ensured, from which Khadr emerged the only surviving “enemy combatant.” U.S. forces allege that Omar threw a hand grenade at the American unit, killing SFC Christopher Speer. Because Speer was a trained medic, his death constituted a war crime.  The badly wounded Khadr was thus taken into custody, shipped first to Bagram and then to Guantanamo, where Omar, his cellmates, and captors testify he endured intense torture and pain.

The film presents much evidence of Omar’s innocence, makes a case for self-defense, and exposes a number of holes and deficiencies in official interrogation tactics and the case against him. It may leave us with more questions than answers. But most importantly, it highlights the reality on which Omar’s Guantanamo cellmates, high-ranking Canadian Foreign Affairs officials, UN Representatives, and self-described conservative U.S. military lawyer can agree: Omar Khadr, whether a radical Islamist or a bright young translator, a perpetrator of war crimes or a victim of them, was ultimately a child. This fact becomes heartbreakingly apparent as we watch him sit and cry, alone in the interrogation room, for his mother. And as a child, he is indubitably a victim—of radicalism, of militarism, of hate, and of apathy.

You Don’t Like the Truth takes a critical look at the complexities of the Global War on Terror, a defunct military legal system, and a web of ever-changing alliances. It forces us to question how we, as a nation among the strongest advocates for human rights worldwide, can also be among the greatest offenders. We have seen it time and time again in Iraq, Afghanistan, and on our own soil. In protecting our values of freedom, justice, and democracy, are we also violating them?  Although the film may be overwhelming and difficult for some veterans—indeed, for anyone—to watch, it is a story essential to understanding and changing our own approach to national security.